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ECCO BOLOGNA

publish the articles contained in ' insert dedicated to Bologna, appeared in the 102-103 of "The Stranger" and curated by Plan B.

On the wall of the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters of Bologna with an unknown red spray wrote "Edward one of us." And we want to believe.

Edward is the son, born a year ago by the union of Sergio Cofferati Rocca and Raffaele.

The author of the inscription, presumably a student dissatisfied cofferatiano approach to city government, refers to the reason for not applying to former union leader's second term as mayor. Cofferati has announced publicly to renounce the race at the Palazzo d'Accursio performed best for the role of father.

We believe this reasoning, but we are not reassured. To give up running for eight months after the vote (it will vote in April 2009), having opposite intentions and touted the grounds that this is the culmination of a political history based on the whole person rather than on policy. Where is the sense of responsibility to the citizens? We could easily ask the (now former) mayor of Bologna, continuing to make the game that he believes his words.

Una concezione privatistica della politica non poteva che condurre a questo epilogo, verrebbe anche da dire.

La rinuncia di Cofferati lascia il suo partito in un grave imbarazzo, in uno scenario politico cittadino in cui neanche la destra offre candidati presentabili. Il cinese più che mollare si è fatto esplodere, lasciando macerie politiche e soprattutto molte scorie tossiche nel tessuto sociale bolognese.

L'ex leader della CGIL è stato prima di tutto un sindaco mediatico, ha fatto parlare di him more for his attitude as for his actions. Fan Tex Willer, the mayor was sheriff, a champion of law at the cost of eviction orders and anti-camp.

For months, the national news has dealt him. Although in practice, in nearby Florence, the mayor becomes the protagonist of Dominici businesses far more extreme on the security-first plan.

But the law has not only spoken in the living rooms TV, but also in the neighborhood bar, in the dozens of social centers for the elderly on buses, in the famous small crowds of onlookers in Piazza Maggiore.

And while Bologna, Italy and perhaps all, was divided between cofferatiani and anti cofferatiani and this debate was becoming increasingly "virtual", the fate of the city they were playing in other theaters of war with other players and far more numerous.

The following articles Cofferati is a background picture. Always present, of course, but second lead actor in a scenario much more complex. A scenario in which the city is undergoing important changes that are slowly but surely cambiando il volto. In cui le scelte dell'amministrazione comunale sono solo alcune delle variabili che incidono sul cambiamento. In cui la partecipazione a questi cambiamenti da parte dei cittadini continua a vivere più negli ideologici slogan degli amministratori che nella realtà.   

 Crediamo che questo guardare dietro al fenomeno mediatico sia un sforzo necessario per provare a  raccontare e capire cosa sia oggi Bologna e cosa si avvia a diventare dopo e nonostante Cofferati.       

Intanto il sindaco leave the city worse than probably continue to vote for the center (left), but who grows increasingly distrust and intolerance. Few regret, has not done much to be loved (one example: while Berson, Alleanza Nazionale, waved the flag of bare-chested, red-blue after the promotion of Bologna in Serie A, the mayor was out of town). "I do not know what the Bolognese" - the main criticism that is moved from the bottom. Probably no one knows what this Bolognese, but you prefer to get on to Bologna glasses that change color throughout the provincialism Po and do not distinguish different color than the red brick.

Kate Playground Strawberry Bikni

Fine del "buongoverno"

Mauro Boarelli

da "Lo Straniero" n. 102-103

Che fine ha fatto il “buongoverno” delle amministrazioni locali guidate dalla sinistra? Cosa ne è stato a Bologna, la città che ne ha incarnato il mito per più di cinquant’anni? 

Se ne parla poco, o per nulla. I gruppi dirigenti che hanno traghettato il Pci verso nuovi approdi dopo il crollo del muro di Berlino e dei regimi dell’Est europeo hanno scelto la strada apparentemente più semplice, ma in realtà più pericolosa, per fare i conti con la propria storia. E’ un atteggiamento che oscilla tra la rimozione e l’abiura, e tende a modificare il passato anziché interpretarlo. Non c’è da stupirsi, quindi, se la sinistra post-comunista evita di riflettere sulle trasformazioni del governo locale. Crede - a torto - di legittimarsi officiando periodicamente il sacrificio del passato, rappresentato come insieme indistinto di errori legati a un’epoca tramontata e da consegnare all’oblio collettivo. 

Su un versante opposto, ciò che resta dell’opinione pubblica di sinistra - priva di luoghi di aggregazione e dibattito - tende a coagularsi intorno alla ricostruzione nostalgica di un passato operoso e costruttivo contrapposto a un presente sterile. Ma quella the "past betrayed" is another ideological cage from which we must escape. To analyze the profound changes that have marked the administrative culture of the city over the last twenty years is necessary to adopt a point of view "external" and grasp the dimension of long-term process of transformation. It 's a complex issue, requiring cross glances and specific research. We begin to till the soil, and try to identify some issues where it useful to return to a deep excavation. I propose three - all rooted in the sixties - which in my opinion are the backbone of administrative experience in Bologna, the hallmark of "good governance", its practice and its myth, inevitably intertwined.

The first trials of full-time education were promoted by the municipal administration in the late sixties. The draft Bruno Ciara - to be the lead school activities of the City - and teachers who work with him, moved by the need to build an education system can foster the social emancipation. The school was conceived by Ciari a community where learning was to be the result of a cooperative work. It was necessary to have a longer time, a time that would offer broader educational opportunities, flexible learning models, a strong community. While much has been written on innovation teaching full time (and now should be back to read the texts), less attention has been paid to the new articulation of social time, which I believe is one of the most important and lasting induced that model. The school full time, in fact, has had a deep structure of the time the entire city, has created a different relationship between the timing of family, work and learning.

few years earlier had launched the debate on decentralization, which led, in 1964, the birth of the districts. The gestation of the project was not the exclusive preserve of the left, but saw the contribution of that part of Catholic culture, embodied primarily Dossetti and Achilles by Giuseppe Ardizzone, more sensitive to the community, as needed to maintain networks of social relations and to promote decision-making peripheral in the context of urban development and expansion of the city. The decentralization implemented by the left did not just move or duplicate offices and administrative functions, but it aimed to draw a different articulation of center / periphery and to promote active forms of citizen participation in vita sociale.

Negli anni Sessanta maturarono anche le scelte urbanistiche che portarono al Piano regolatore del 1970. L’approccio di Giuseppe Campos Venuti, chiamato da Roma a ricoprire l’incarico di assessore all’urbanistica, prevedeva - tra l’altro - due rovesciamenti di prospettiva: la quantità delle costruzioni doveva cedere il passo alla qualità dei nuovi insediamenti e a un rapporto equilibrato tra abitazioni e aree verdi; le periferie - in coerenza con le politiche di decentramento – dovevano essere concepite non come appendici inerti del centro, ma come luoghi di socializzazione dotati di una propria identità. La realizzazione di aree di edilizia popolare a ridosso the downtown with large areas of green represents the practical realization of this approach and sanctioned a reversal of the displacement of working class areas devoid of greenery and services in the outer fringe of the city that had characterized the previous decade.

The new urban policy was certainly not free of errors and contradictions. The decision to leave the tram, which was adopted in the early sixties in the name of a mistaken notion of progress, had consequences that the city still suffers, as it is devoid of a rational system of public transport and sustainable environmental .

school full time, decentralization and urban policy were united by a common thread: participation. The educational model based on cooperation to provide an education for active citizenship, and are connected in a manner consistent with the social management of nurseries and kindergartens where local families were directly involved. In urban policy, was the significant involvement of workers in the preservation of the historic center. The workers - who represented a range of the population and who were migrating to the peripheral settlements, received a ransom from the degradation of the old houses in the old, dilapidated and without services - were involved in a cultural battle that spread the value of urban heritage in a historical period in which this award was not yet acquired the social conscience, enabling it to stabilize the center and - at least initially - to avoid the outsourcing wild. Decentralization, finally, might have led some decision-making centers in the suburbs.

The participatory model of this crisis is evident today. The decentralization project has undergone changes and adjustments, and now the neighborhoods are holding almost exclusively of administrative functions, no real decision-making powers and tools to organize and promote citizen participation. The town planning of new incentrata sulla quantità, sull’edificazione sovradimensionata rispetto alle dinamiche demografiche, sulla mancanza di equilibrio tra insediamenti abitativi e verde, risulta sacrificata agli interessi immobiliari, e quindi sottratta al controllo sociale. Il tempo pieno è stato in parte depotenziato da una applicazione burocratica da parte della scuola statale, nella disattenzione delle istituzioni locali che lo hanno tenuto a battesimo. Le importanti mobilitazioni di genitori e insegnanti che negli ultimi anni hanno visto protagoniste Bologna e altre città del centro-nord contro lo smantellamento di questo modello educativo perseguito dai governi di centro-destra (ma anche - con toni più melliflui ma ugualmente aggressivi - dall’ultimo governo center-left) shows the insertion of full-time in society, and at the same time increasing the distance between large sections of the citizenry that feels vulnerable in their acquired rights and political organizations and unions of the left who interpret these rights as residues of a past to be sacrificed to the empty rhetoric of "modernity" and "reformism".

Fix the beginning of this crisis is not easy, because the changes in political cultures are not measured by official documents. We can date the temporary eclipse of the participatory model in the early eighties. Having completed the long wave the electoral successes of the Left at the national level and the dramatic failure of the '77 locally (on which, after thirty years, has never started a critical reflection worthy of the name), began a long process of progressive detachment from the social dynamics of local administrators, an unstoppable path towards the self, which will become a hallmark of political parties born from the ashes of the Communist Party.

But the roots of the crisis are more profound, and are to be found in the political culture of the Communist Party after the war. The processes of formation of political strategies in the party was founded - as you know - The "democratic centralism". Around this hard and fast rule, every decision he attributed to the central structures, were built a number of practices that were intended to regulate the militancy and reproduce hierarchies of power within the party. The criticism and your self and autobiographical narratives taxes, written and oral, public and private, were aimed - among others - to internalize mechanisms of subordination of individuals with regard to the party intended as the depositary of the collective body political consciousness. This complex system formed the backbone of the inner life of the party throughout the period of Stalinism. It 'still investigating what happened after 1956, what were the times and the actual outcome of the "de-Stalinization." Some of these institutions (in particular the practice of criticism and self) survived the Statute of the Communist Party until 1979, and this is enough to demonstrate its roots. It 'easy to say, however, that the culture that produced those practices did not disappear by decree, but still influenced long militancy, far beyond the termination of practices. On the other hand, democratic centralism was never challenged and went on to be the main regulatory mechanism of decision-making. The contradiction between the entrance on the political scene of the popular classes previously excluded from public life and the conditional nature of their activism, shaped by a political pedagogy from authoritarian, characterized the action of the Communist Party - although in different forms over the first decade after the war - even after '56. The practice declined participation in various forms by the left in Bologna in the sixties, therefore, rested on fragile foundations, because that contradicts historical prevented the Communist Party to incorporate it without reservation in their cultural heritage. And 'this, I think, a fertile field of investigation to understand what has happened to the left, what happened in Bologna, along roads other than those already covered and which have left many questions unanswered.

Incesti Italiani Online Movie

Dismissione Sociale

Plan B from "The Stranger" n.102-103

"That workshop there have become the deterioration of the neighborhood. Now there's everything in there, there will be mice, of snakes, a part that has become a den of drug dealers. The police can not go inside because it is private property and they go away when the police if they come out. The people, however, claim there is nothing to be done. Not that I was angry with immigrants, because when I worked there, I've had non-colleagues and were very good people, but those we are just now sleeping criminals. " So says a former worker now retired from Bologna. The factory where he worked and that we are telling, the Workshops Casaralta, manufactured and repaired railroad cars. The plant, located in Bolognina, Bologna area still very popular, "is finally decommissioned in 2003. This worker, who lives a few steps from the factory, told us about the workers' struggles of the seventies and eighties, the occupation against the closure of the factory. Then, with the same passion, expressed anger at the immigrants (not all ...), in his view responsible for the deterioration of the neighborhood. Joined the Communist PRC.

Non diversamente da tutte le città italiane, anche Bologna è ossessionata dalla questione della sicurezza. Anche a Bologna, politici, media locali, comitati di cittadini insistono sul tema dell’insicurezza delle strade e del “degrado” e lo legano in modo automatico all’immigrazione, facendo di questo nesso una delle questioni politiche centrali in città. Colpevoli dell’insicurezza sono di volta in volta gli immigrati, i clandestini, i rom, i rumeni.

Ad agitare tali questioni non sono qui (solo) la Lega Nord (che pure alle ultime politiche ha superato il 4% dei voti in città) o comitati di destra, ma spesso il Partito democratic citizens "left." A Ducati, and other popular suburb of the city, was born a year ago what is probably the first round of the PD: a group of elderly people, mostly ex-Communist Party and former Christian Democrats, with the backing of the Councillor districts (and security) Free Mancuso, patrolling the streets of the district between 18 and 21.

How to explain the security-and often results in a xenophobic city "left" (the Democratic Party stood here around 50% of voters)? Beyond reflection and analysis on the general climate covertly or overtly racist throughout Italy, it is interesting to investigate the individual cities in how to act and the issue of security products. In Bologna, some interpretations may arise when we reason about the disposal of most of the towns and industries in the process of building conversion implemented in abandoned areas. Interpretations are partial, not comprehensive, valid when it comes to the suburbs and (ex-) workers, less effective in explaining, for example, degradation and insecurity reported by the committees of the center. And is not Bologna Turin, Bologna and the industry is not the Fiat. Nevertheless, constitute, in our view, an interesting interpretive code.

Over the past fifteen years ended the century-old history is often productive of so many historical buildings of Bologna, located mostly in two areas of the city: the Bolognina, near the train station, Santa Viola, located along the Via Emilia Ponente. Both areas have increased in the postwar years around industrial plants and are now far too close to the center of the city to "bear" more production facilities. The list of "dead" is long. The Minganti, producing industrial machines sold around the world, has abandoned the establishment of Bolognina past three years become a commercial center, and operates a small plant in the province. A little farther on, via Corticella the Sasib, where a thousand workers churn out material for railway signaling and machinery for packaging, has been dismantled and sold to foreign multinationals. A short distance away, the empty factories and abandoned the workshops and Casaralta Cevolani. In Santa Viola, instead of the Riva Pants, which produced even for the Navy, there are now eight un'Esselunga and palaces. The neighboring foundry Caster had also closed. Last bankruptcy in order of time focused on the historic foundry last winter Sabiem, on the other side of the Via Emilia, for which we had hoped for a shift in the province and instead was simply closed. And they are only the most popular.

Bologna is then expelled from the city all industrial activities and the script is similar everywhere: workshops located in attractive areas in terms of construction, industrial crises (real, simulated or caused to art), workers' struggles against closure, promises of redevelopment "useful" and measure citizen (now a technology center, now a university, now a city of youth ...), union agreements to save the job (early retirement, mobility, redundancy), closure of businesses (sold to foreigners in the province moved or simply failed), the presence long years of dilapidated warehouses, up the conversion building, sometimes favored by administrators so opaque (right or left) and sometimes made by manufacturers (right or left), you'll discover, had purchased the area long before there was talk of the end of production .

But what has this to do with security? In our opinion a lot.

First, there are huge factories that remain empty and unused for years and are becoming increasingly gloomy and dilapidated. Sometimes they become temporary home for homeless people, often foreigners homeless. For the inhabitants of these neighborhoods, warehouses become the symbol of degradation and insecurity. To understand just how important these places may be, must take a step back: for many decades and up to no more than fifteen years ago, they were a symbol of another, was a symbol of working-class identity, mainly linked to the PCI and the CGIL, that, at least since World War II, was fundamental to the city.

The workers of different generations proudly tell stories of struggle and work at the factory. Tell how to work Minganti tantamount to go to university. They said that the Bologna metalworkers were so good to "do the feet of flies." They tell of the struggle against dismissal and against politicians over the years Scelba Fifty, for the rule of the Workers in the Sixties and Seventies. Describe harsh working conditions, lack of security. Mourn the dead for asbestos. But also about a world in which there was a constant feeling of social progress and democratic, where the struggles and strikes came from the factory gates and poured in the neighborhoods: "It's not that much work was exciting - there has Lia said Amato, immigrated from Sicily and for years the tobacco factory workers - but it was a tool for my improvement. Many times they win, the fights. Struggle to improve the contract, the struggle for social services for additional payment, send their children to school and not pay the nest. In your life you could see an improvement, growth. You could see the life inside the factory to improve: the cafeteria, the nest .... " And Guido Canova, for over thirty years to the worker and union representative Casaralta: "From 1969 until the mid-seventies, there were great achievements of which we had evidence of real and we realized in practice. One was the issue of reducing working hours from 48 hours per week plus three on Saturday morning reached within a few years the 40 hours. And then the organization achievements, winning the famous works councils, and then the Workers' Statute. "

A world in which la fabbrica era simbolo di progresso, di modernità e di identità di una classe. In quegli stessi quartieri, quell’identità si è frantumata lentamente insieme ai suoi monumenti. Oggi fare un lavoro manuale è spesso considerato una vergogna. Alle grandi fabbriche si sono sostituite piccole officine artigianali nelle quali l’attività sindacale è quasi nulla. L’operaio è sempre più precario. E anche nelle grandi fabbriche, la Ducati su tutte, il sindacato vive sconfitte prima di tutto culturali.

Ma non è solo una questione di “identità”. La presenza operaia era anche una garanzia di controllo del territorio. Cesare Poggioni, operaio alla Casaralta negli anni Novanta: “Quella vecchia e dura e ruvida classe operaia di una volta, una certa forma di – usiamo un termine orribile – controllo del territorio evidentemente lo esercitava, perché i primi turnisti alla Casaralta entravano alle quattro e mezza del mattino, così come la sera fino a verso le otto, le nove, le dieci c’era gente, insomma c’era quasi sempre gente lì attorno, e non solo a Casaralta: alla Manifattura, al deposito degli autobus. Insomma, una sorta di polizia in tuta blu”. Racconti forse un po’ troppo nostalgici ricordano che nei palazzoni popolari della Bolognina non venivano mai chiamati i carabinieri e i conflitti venivano risolti dai capicellula del Pci o dai parroci. This presence and authority that came from working-class political or labor union is now clearly failed. These districts are increasingly only bedroom communities. The population is aging. The warehouses are empty or, as in the case of Officine Minganti (Coop) and Esselunga Santa Viola, are transformed into shopping centers, which represent new sites of sociality (social relations, therefore, linked to the consumption) and work.

daily to attend public places are, for some years, especially the foreign Casaralta is concentrated around the Chinese presence in Bologna, with workshops, warehouses and import-export, restaurants, travel agencies. In place of the old neighborhood stores are Pakistani pizza, kebabs Maghreb, African hair. In the parks there are Bangladeshi families, groups of Romanian children roam the streets. Older people struggle to recognize their neighborhood, they see the newcomers as outsiders and often as enemies. Neighbors carry different worlds, but incomunicanti, parallel. Older workers expressed anger that the Chinese written in an alphabet incomprehensible menu outside the restaurant or because they spit out the window. Strange people roam the crumbling factories and no matter if to swell the ranks of those seeking shelter in abandoned factories there are also people who work during the day (black) construction sites in the city. Foreigners are considered guilty of all the enemies.

On the "enemy" is there to do one more consideration. In memory of several generations of workers Bologna describes a "community" (worker and neighborhood) that he felt compact and had "enemies" clearly defined and identifiable: the master, first, Democrats second, and governments. Leah Amato still says: "There were tough times for discussion, confrontation between us. But hard times where we knew there was always like a barricade, that we were here and the owner was there. Even threads harder did not question this barricade. " The master was the enemy of social progress and democratic struggles against the boss fights were to improve their living conditions.

The end of the factory is carried as enemies. The owners are gone. The left is also (sometimes) to the government. But the living conditions seem to improve more. Becomes the new enemy alien. Why do not you understand, because he has occupied spaces. Why do we steal their jobs. Why live in a shack. Why spits out the window. Why wash the windows at the lights. The immigrant becomes the cause of the insecurity, the main problema sociale. Ex-comunisti ed ex-democristiani si uniscono nella ronda. La “comunità operaia” unita contro il padrone è diventata una “comunità italiana” da difendere contro gli extracomunitari.

Non sempre e non dappertutto, per fortuna. Mentre il sindaco Cofferati nell’autunno 2005 sgomberava i rumeni nelle baracche di Borgo Panigale, i cittadini del quartiere gli ricordavano con una lettera aperta (cui i media locali diedero poco risalto) che nella lista dei disagi i rumeni erano solo al nono posto (!), mentre ai primi c’erano i cantieri dell’alta velocità che rendevano impraticabili le strade del quartiere e devastavano il territorio. Ma tornando the establishment of Casaralta is truly unique for the inhabitants of the buildings surrounding the main pitfall is the immigrants who live there and that no asbestos is still present in the roofing of the workshops, shooting and left to themselves, and that day day real threat to their health.

But there is still a key to reading these processes. Brownfield sites move strong economic interests. The Casaralta Cevolani and are located behind the exhibition, a stone's throw from the station and downtown, is beside the Sabiem Maggiore Hospital. The owners of the areas will make large profits by building hotels, apartments, shops, shopping malls. Often these factories have been closed because of redevelopment work lucrative construction, such as the Riva trousers, however, spoiled by the enormous conflict of interest of a deputy mayor, John Salizzoni, who at the same time is responsible for the design firm that has operated the conversion.

But economic interests must be negotiated with those of the community, at least in a city that is reputed to have a strong social conscience. The new Structure Plan City, launched a major effort even with the media in 2007, seeks to guide the development of many urban areas of the city. Negotiations between authorities and private authorities on the fate of areas often exist for years, during which the presence of disused industrial barracks is being felt heavily. The constant talk of degradation and insecurity, perhaps caused by the people "illegals" of those tenements (mostly in the absence of current events), then seems to play into the hands of those who want to build.

Cevolani The sample areas, and Sasib Casaralta seems emblematic owners are invited by the City to submit a joint project for a redesign of the district staff. They are asked to participate in a participatory planning workshop, where citizens can discuss the fate of the areas. The workshop is announced in October 2007, but the joint does not come. In May 2008, the City's planning department Virginio Merola writes Unit-Bologna to address the "concerns" of the citizens: "The effect of degradation is the fact that these areas suffer enormous intrusion and abuse are the goal of frequent illegal. [...] Areas become so threatening, that disturbing, particularly at night. " The Assessor re-announces the start of the workshop in September 2008, but this time only about two-thirds of the Casaralta, without mentioning the other two. In the meantime, However, existing sites (not attend) and we are open to Casaralta Sasib.

The factories were in business a distinctive identity for neighborhoods. The workers' struggles against the closure of establishments have been supported by the people, despite all the contradictions relating to emissions. But when a factory is closed and shaken the issue of degradation and the citizens demand that it be dismantled as soon as possible and do not care if the place were built schools, supermarkets, parks or hotels.

the first to notice some of these processes are workers in factories who work there, that denounce as disposals are not the result of production decisions or related to environmental impact, but the appetite for real estate agents and builders on building sites within the city. Some workers reveals the deception and says, "I want to be mischievous, this game is our 'friends' manufacturers because so they can say' ah! The degradation! Ah, an intolerable situation! ', Because ... they do play, because it serves to speed up the whole thing, no? ". Sabiem the same awareness, during the occupation of last winter against the closure of the foundry, "You will all go into disuse, we sleep and the poor will be the citizens asking that the garage is demolished. "

the crisis of the factory is followed in many ways a social vacuum. But if the gaps left by the industrial establishments in the city's fabric were used to redraw the districts and the city to make them more livable for its citizens, to create spaces for socializing, convenient facilities to the community, maybe productive activities environmentally sustainable ? And if the redesign of the city happen in a transparent and citizens will contribute effectively? And if not the blame of all the problems on newcomers? In most cases so far, not Bologna this happened.

Each scapegoat hides a collective sin: for some it is the fault of a historic defeat for others greed. Luckily there are foreigners, otherwise it would not our fault.

Mount And Blade Missing Conversations

Svuotamenti e Recinzioni

Fulvio Antonelli

From "The Stranger", n.102-103

To understand what were the urban and social transformations of recent years and appearance of Bologna he is taking today, the city must rebuild a political history that dates back to 1985, when it was drafted and proposed the last PRG (General) of the city.

The political contention surrounding the approval of the PRG became one of the major reasons behind the fall of the municipal council of Bologna, built on the association between PCI and PSI, which broke the face of opposition to the DC new plan.

The Communist Party accused the Socialist Party, attentive and sensitive to the moods of the DC and its allies of "the great center," he had sacrificed the interests of the city to those of the penta and only after lengthy negotiations in 1989, the new junta City, led by the Communist Party with the outside support of the PSI, approved the plan with many reservations, and many changes from the original project.

In those years, among the themes of political confrontation and mutual accusations between citizens and representatives of the Communist Party penta there were two events apparently unrelated to the discussion of the PRG, but the condition is not little.

The first, in '85, was a scandal that swept through the offices and technical building of the Municipality private, involved in trafficking of bribes for the granting of licenses and building assault that ended up involved, in addition to technicians of the municipality, even powerful businessmen of the city and housing associations. The other was the investigation court on the Masonic Lodge Zamboni de 'Rolandis '89, an organization bringing together top names of politics and culture of Bologna and it ended that involved then-Pri called "our man", the rector of Fabio Roversi Monaco .

The investigation of Freemasonry and the links between the secret organization of Bologna and the P2 ended with the acquittal of the accused, as well as after 89 shut even the time of fighting between the teams on the future policies of the city today when it comes to business logic are the consortium to prevail.

The symbol of this perfect balance in mediating between big powers is again Roversi Monaco, star of more Unbreakable 'long-rector of the University of Bologna, from 1985 to 2000, the Christian Democratic redoubt in the town "red" in 15 years has made the most of the Alma Mater 'great estate in the city - 472 thousand square feet of new space for more than 500 billion investment in 2000 was appointed president of the Fondazione Cassa di Risparmio di Bologna, then managing director of the Encyclopedia Treccani; a director of Hera, one of the most 'major Italian multi-utility in terms of environmental services, water and energy, which controls the distribution across the Emilia Romagna and in 2008 finally became also the chairman of the board of directors of the Fiera di Bologna.

A man who collects consents, certificates of appreciation and cooperation to the right and left by Tremonti to Casini, Prodi, a friend of former mayor DS Vitali, good relations with the former mayor and that Guazzaloca has earned the confidence of city planning commissioner and his Cofferati Virginio Merola, a man, in short, good for all seasons, a man of power.

These considerations seem to vagaries in our speech, but they are not.

To read the changes of Bologna in fact, in addition to analyzing the map of the city proposed by the recent development plans of the City and listen to the declarations of intent by representatives of city government, you must also keep an eye on what the interests and orientations of the owners of building sites, manufacturers, banks that will finance the spectacular great works that should catapult Bologna in the size of a modern European metropolis, and sometimes wonder if that will catapult stop.

The PRG was 89 the last great master plan of the city, the swan song of a season of urban reform that had been mainly in Bologna in the 60s and 70s his laboratory, his maître à penser - Campos Venuti and brain - and his most 'convincing - the restoration of the historic, miraculously escaped the effect Favor a little' kitsch then and now very popular among architects, social housing achieved not only through modern and populist cast concrete on the outskirts, but also through the compulsory purchase and renovation of houses nel cuore della città; periferie concepite non come dormitori, ma come spazi da abitare, dense di servizi e collegamenti con il centro e, cosa non superflua, esteticamente piu’ accoglienti e vivibili delle periferie segnate dalle mostruose stecche abitative seriali che caratterizzano Quarto Oggiaro a Milano, il Laurentino 38 a Roma,  Mirafiori a Torino, Scampia a Napoli, tanto per fare degli esempi illustri.

Il PRG finalmente approvato nell’89 nasceva però in qualche modo già vecchio, perché nel frattempo l’ondata neoliberista e la deregulation edificatoria già si erano imposte come ideologie politiche dominanti nelle amministrazioni pubbliche e l’urbanistica reformist, before these changes, she found herself with blunt weapons. In those years, was declared unconstitutional expropriation of land for public use upon payment of compensation that was not the payment of land at market prices, in addition, the imposition of local government in a balanced budget makes it impossible Keynesian policies of public housing until then used to support economic policies for the home.

Bologna everything is translated to the end and city governments, the possibility of using the budget deficit to ensure a transportation system and services efficiente e a prezzi contenuti, e con l’avanzata degli interessi privati – banche, costruttori, grandi proprietari immobiliari- nel governo della città.

Da allora in poi, per ogni realizzazione urbana, le amministrazioni comunali sarebbero dovute  ricorrere ai finanziamenti privati e questi andavano contrattati di volta in volta con soggetti interessati, per la loro natura, principalmente alla sostenibilità finanziaria dei progetti dentro una logica economica di mercato.

Ma cosa stabiliva il PRG dell’89? E a 19 anni di distanza, quante delle sue linee guida sono state seguite e realizzate?

At the local level is attempted through that plan to keep the area natural-last hill at the back of an expanding city-supported by a reckless and by those who wanted to build homes and villas for privileged social classes on the run from the "crowd" town, both by those who claimed the right of the proletariat to an apartment in the countryside.

This objective was substantially achieved, so that even today sung "Colli Bolognesi" remain a natural area enjoyed by all and not built, the last Municipal Structural Plan (SGP), signed and Cofferati Launched in 2007, confirms the protection.

In addition, PRG, along with the decentralization of production functions and economic center in Bologna, he aimed to place the city in an argument over 'vast areas related to it, then that would include the appendices as subway Casalecchio of Reno, Ducati, San Lazzaro.

To prevent the expulsion of the less' popular from the city center, the effect being "empty" at the end of the day around the dormitory towns that developed around its limits, it was decided to make the Bologna node a metropolitan system of transport infrastructure and closely related to the surrounding area.

It started for this already then talk to the underground, but for lack of public funds, the project was put on standby and is aimed at all road transport, according to a developmental ideology of the left who demanded "bread and cars "and has produced traffic, pollution and highways for everyone.

Then again in recent years a change in trend now seems to face both the metro and trendy European city and then both the municipal council led by past-Guazzaloca with his version of Bolognese sauce in the center- Cofferati that the mayor-king who replaced the logic del centralismo democratico del partito quello verso il proprio insindacabile giudizio - hanno iniziato una lunga battaglia con Provincia e Regione per battere cassa dal Ministero delle infrastrutture di Roma e dalla Unione Europea, reclamando finanziamenti per la costruzione di una serie di infrastrutture per la mobilità. 

La Giunta Guazzaloca mise in cantiere due progetti che dovevano essere il fiore all’occhiello delle grandi opere inaugurate dal nuovo sindaco: la metropolitana e il “Civis”.

La metropolitana, che doveva collegare la parte ovest della periferia con stazione, centro, fiera e aeroporto, si mostrò subito un progetto difficile perchè avrebbe avuto dei costi di realizzazione ingenti e problemi notevoli per i lavori di interramento in un centro storico da sventrare per l’occasione.

Il “Civis”, un  tram su gomma , come lo chiamano a Bologna - mentre in tutto il resto del mondo lo chiamano filobus, ma detto così probabilmente suona piu’ avveniristico- avrebbe dovuto invece connettere le periferie  della parte est con il centro.

La giunta Cofferati cancellò il progetto della metropolitana e a questo sostituì quello della “Metrotranvia”, a tram or underground-that all over the world call it underground, but here they call it, as this would be more 'slow rise to the surface in some places and would consist of a single line - which connects the suburbs just west of the station, without passing through the center. The "Civis" instead, although it is widely considered a useless, has not been canceled because, having been already funded 182.2 million-euro cost of the project be divided among the Ministry of Transport, local transport company ATC Region and the City - penalties for its failure to launch would cost the municipality of Bologna most 'of its share for the construction, so at this point "must" fare.

Ma se il “Civis” è il regalo di Guazzaloca alla città, Cofferati, per non essere da meno, ed essendo nota la sua passione per il cinema di fantascienza- Blade Runner in particolare- ha rilanciato con il progetto del “people mover”: una monorotaia su gomma- somiglierà forse ad una funivia?- sospesa su piloni di cemento che dovrebbe tatuare una parte della città e collegare la stazione con l’aeroporto in pochi minuti. Il costo dell’intera opera è di circa 100 milioni di euro di cui una piccola parte pubblici: il resto verrebbe finanziato attraverso il  project financing : individuals make money, manage the service for the next 30 years and tickets are based cost and realize their gains.

The first call for proposals prepared by the municipality for the project went to the desert, setting off a bitter controversy between an association of builders, contractors and Palazzo d'Accursio: on the one hand, the rejection of the excessive risk-taking laid down ' work, the other on charges of not having the courage to take risks as befits any good capitalist.

Notices desert was a political signal very hard for entrepreneurs to Cofferati and its city planning commissioner Merola: The object of the dispute is not just a people mover but also the construction of new office building of the City, a mega deal to take part in a cartel that meets all the large companies and housing cooperatives in the city.

on both projects are trying to force employers to get the conditions for realization of their more 'for: clauses requiring the City to reimburse the operator in case the forecasts for the catchment area is the people mover showing lower and were not guaranteed the benefits expected, rise in the cost of the ticket originally planned (as of today for a distance of 5km of the ticket would cost people mover 7euro); indici di edificabilità piu’ alti e maggiore quota di appartamenti destinati al mercato, con conseguente riduzione dell’edilizia a canone concordato, nelle abitazioni da realizzare nel comparto della nuova sede del comune; liberazione dai vincoli di destinazione d’uso delle numerose aree industriali dismesse su cui si stanno concentrando gli appetiti della speculazione edilizia.

Il problema attuale della mobilità a Bologna è quindi connesso alle successive e frequenti deroghe al piano regolatore, che hanno permesso la realizzazione di aree molto piu’ densamente edificate di quanto era previsto, con la conseguente inadequate infrastructure and services conceived to assist in its development.

Many of the provisions of the PRG 89 have been completely disregarded in the years it has increasingly been 'emptied of its ambitions planning the development of the city and brake mechanisms of large and small real estate speculation owners and builders.

One of the mechanisms by which creep in and hidden edificatoria deregulation made its way into that plan was, at one point, the unexplained change in the way of measuring square foot building, which has gross magical passes a netto, con un incremento quindi  dei già alti indici di edificabilità concessi dal PRG rispetto alle opere di pubblica utilità che i privati dovevano realizzare in contropartita alle concessioni edilizie.

Allo stesso modo il timing delle realizzazioni del piano non fu rispettato e l’effetto fu l’intervento in aree dove era vivo l’interesse dei privati a costruire o “riqualificare” ma che non erano prioritarie rispetto alle esigenze della città; il congelamento degli interventi in aree interstiziali che furono lasciate a maggese dai proprietari dei suoli –ad esempio alcune aree industriali dimesse nella Bolognina- in attesa di una loro valorizzazione finanziaria; the rise and disjointed dotted around the city works hard to understand when isolated from the complex of measures within which were designed and acquired meaning.

The Bologna experience in substance shows that even in the presence of a master plan detailed and comprehensive, that is, attempting to imagine the city for an orderly development and to block the mechanisms speculative - and the PRG 89 From this point of view it was neither perfect nor far-sighted enough, by providing builders unjustifiably high rates in general and out of the norm from the outset-this may be emptied of its content through a long series of negotiations and variations, and, well more 'of the aspirations expressed by government planning, has chronicled the city and in the debate on individual projects that could be defined as those who govern the expansion of a city.

The triumph of the 'urban contracted "in Bologna, the one intended by the new left and where to come to school was the model in Milan, is likely to lead to an ideology that speaks of flexibility and freedom from the constraints of major development plans to promote the development of the city, but in fact delivers the choices on urban transformation outcome of power relations and interests of a purely economic.

But a city is not a common good? It is not right especially those who live there, and not who owns the land and property, determine its uses, and their form? Who is contracted with the planning?

Like the liberalization of the labor market, promising jobs and modern, has produced uncertainty and insecurity, bargaining is likely planning to show, just in a more 'transparent than in the past, that those who represent the citizens in local government, accepting the logic of consultation with the private interests of uses and functions of the areas, which does not negotiate on the collective right to the city.

Bologna Also in this area is becoming a laboratory for cutting-edge of the left?

However, if on the one hand there are strong powers and interests, with his men - symbol Roversi-Monaco and the policy that assumes a role of mediation from a position of progressive weakness of the other inhabitants of the city are certainly not engaged in a work of criticism and demand for truly collective rights.

Anche per questo basta leggere la cronaca cittadina: nascono comitati per la difesa organizzata di interessi particolari e ristretti - il proprio orto, il proprio condomino, la propria piccola parte di quartiere – sempre contro il degrado, l’insicurezza e l’invasione rappresentata dagli immigrati, dai nuovi arrivati, dagli altri.

I cittadini chiedono recinzioni, polizia, limitazione dei diritti di cittadinanza sociale: la casa, l’asilo nido, la scuola, la sanità per chi “merita” la città, cioè per chi non trasgredisce mai la legge della privatizzazione dello spazio urbano.

Here Bologna.

Juliette Cariaga Movie

I rumeni, l'edilizia, la sicurezza....

Mimmo Perrotta,

"The Stranger" n.102-103

"We hope that in 2007, when Romania enters, if it enters , European Union, is a bit 'easier to take this piece of paper, this permit. Otherwise, when the police find me, just send me home. What is the problem. It's a risk, I assume. Nothing to do. I'm up here when I do not find them. When they find me they send me home. " So describing their hopes for il futuro nel maggio 2005 un cittadino rumeno di 37 anni che, privo di permesso di soggiorno, lavorava (e lavora) a Bologna come muratore. “Rischio” era una parola molto utilizzata dai cittadini rumeni che hanno vissuto e lavorato in Italia da “clandestini”. Il “rischio” riguardava la possibilità stessa di restare in Italia, come raccontava, qualche mese dopo, un altro rumeno, di origine rom, sui 25 anni, anch’egli muratore, che aveva subito un rimpatrio forzato ed era tornato nel bolognese dopo pochi mesi: “lavoravo per un napoletano, a Vergato. Lunedì, sono andato al cantiere, mi sono cambiato, dopo dieci minuti sono arrivati i carabinieri. Mi hanno preso dal cantiere, m’ha carried away with the clothes of the yard. Then I called my brother, I told him everything, I brought the bag with the clothes ... to Cpt. Can I ask you something? Tell me how I can think of to stay forever here in Italy? But, as it were, to say, I want to make life in Italy, right? Now I work, I am a rent, and the police to catch me on the street and sent me home what happens? That there is the problem, which does not give you hope. "

That was until December 2006. What has changed for the Romanian citizens in Italy after the entry of Romania into the EU? And what significance is the press campaigns and measures government in recent months, which have as their main target the Romanians?

Let's step back. In 2002, the "amnesty" passed by the Berlusconi government in the Bossi-Fini regularized nearly 150,000 Romanians (of the roughly 700,000 foreigners "healed"), previously "illegal" on the Italian territory. Many others, however, while working for years in Italy, failed to stabilize with the amnesty and were "illegal." And most importantly, since 2002 many other Romanians arrived in Italy, and these - apart from those who came to study, family reunification and the few successful to enter through the "Decree-flow" - had no legal footing to get the "piece of paper" that provides, at least in part, rights and freedom of movement.

Until 2006, therefore, many Romanians have experienced from "illegal" in Italy. To get an idea of \u200b\u200bthe numbers: 2006 160.000 Romanians were in demand for access to the annual flow-decree issued by the government (in total, the questions were about 580,000, the number of inputs was initially envisaged by the decree of 120,000, then about 70% of applications were accepted, however). According to the decree, they should be in Romania, but the vast majority was already in Italy for years, and thus sought to regularize its position.

In January 2007, all this seems to be over. Romania enters the European Union. The Romanians are EU citizens. No longer is "illegal." No greater risk than the return, even those without a residence permit. Maybe.

The Romanian immigrants tell their migration experience as motivated solely by the job search and the desire to earn money (today's wages in Romania for € 200 or less un operaio e 300-350 per un insegnante): “sono venuto qui per lavorare e per garantire una vita dignitosa alla mia famiglia”. Il lavoro è considerato l’unica motivazione legittima della migrazione. In una città come Bologna, se le donne sono occupate per lo più come assistenti familiari o colf, la maggior parte degli uomini rumeni lavorano o hanno lavorato in edilizia. Un impiego nelle costruzioni è quasi sempre il primo passaggio obbligato per un immigrato rumeno a Bologna. All’interno del settore vi sono poi situazioni differenti: c’è chi arriva con una qualifica (carpentiere, elettricista, ecc.) e chi, per mancanza di professionalità, non può trovare un impiego se non come manovale non specializzato; many work in good standing and who - by choice or necessity - in black, who worked permanently for medium companies or large construction sites and who is hired for a few days, just long enough for a "Ciappina" to as a small renovation of an apartment. There are those who continue to work after years as an employee, who becomes a self-opens and becomes a VAT craftsman or "young master" (this actually happens to work for the same boss, but taking risks in their business ), those who found employment in other sectors, in small factories, in services, co-operatives.

Tra gli occupati in edilizia a Bologna, circa la metà sono stranieri, molti di essi rumeni. Molti di essi sono “irregolari”. Cosa comporta il lavoro irregolare in edilizia? Che differenze vi sono tra un lavoratore in regola e uno in nero, per di più straniero e “clandestino”? Nella quotidianità del lavoro, un irregolare ha solitamente meno “risorse”, meno forza contrattuale. Come in ogni posto di lavoro, nel cantiere edile vi è tra capo e dipendenti una continua e incessante negoziazione sui tempi, sui ritmi, sui carichi di lavoro che i dipendenti devono eseguire, sullo stesso orario giornaliero di lavoro. Questa negoziazione può essere fatta esplicitamente, “entro le cinque dovete build three floors of scaffolding, otherwise you go home, "or implicitly: employees seek to control their pace of work, to slow them down until they are under the gaze of the head, in his presence to accelerate (a pace of work is not high is one of the main conditions of safety on site, which helps to prevent accidents), and so on. In these ongoing negotiations, the most important asset for a foreign worker is allowed to stay: when a developer takes a worker to work "underground", he knows he can more easily impose higher work rates, heavier loads, schedules longer working, because he will more difficult to find another job (unless you are a skilled worker) and difficult to denounce their situation.

Back here the word "risk": the risk of repatriation or warrant, if stopped by police in the street or any control in the workplace, the risk of dismissal, non-payment of wages . Many Romanian construction "illegal" as defined in the head "good" or "quiet" because only paid regular wages agreed upon, which showed that this regularity was an exception. For an illegal immigrant is difficult to report abuse suffered at work. He is extremely open to blackmail, as other speakers Romanian explain: "When you work in black, you can not even make the complaint. I fooled me once a Sardinian, I went to the complaint and the complaint can not be done if you are not in good standing. I made a complaint by the union lawyer. Eh, what is left. She was a piece of paper. " "I worked with a decorator for three years, but at some point I have paid more. It gave me bad checks. I was afraid to call the police, because ... because they are illegal, all you can do to an illegal immigrant. "

Construction is one of the leading sectors of the economy Bolognese e continuerà ad esserlo nei prossimi anni, tra grandi opere (la variante di valico dell’autostrada Bologna-Firenze, la TAV), trasformazioni urbanistiche (il “people mover” sopraelevato tra stazione e aeroporto, il metro), ristrutturazioni di palazzi nel centro storico, riconversioni del patrimonio industriale dismesso, il comparto fieristico. Il settore, a Bologna come altrove, funziona con lunghe catene di appalti e subappalti (poco controllabili a causa dell’esiguo numero degli ispettori del lavoro), delle quali i lavoratori stranieri sono spesso l’ultimo e più debole anello. Come in altri settori economici in altre regioni italiane (ad esempio nelle raccolte di frutta e verdura nelle campagne del sud), Bologna construction, the use of illegal immigrant workers results in a significant lowering of labor costs, benefiting both employers, both public and private clients. Romanian illegal immigrants "have worked to court in Bologna, Police Headquarters, in common, police barracks, supermarkets, offices, as well as in construction and renovation of private buildings. If immigrants are "illegal" were really all returnees, construction sites would stop in Bologna.

national laws that define the "illegal immigration" whether or not a foreigner, in addition, affect the life of an immigrant, the local administrative practices. In Bologna in recent years the 'host' housing for immigrants has been handled - if it was handled - especially through centers rigidly "mono-ethnic." Forty Romanian Roma families "regular" was "welcomed" by the City in the structure of Villa Salus in February 2005 (but only after a long occupation of a former hotel for railroad). For several hundred "irregular" the only home they can instead shacks on the river Rhine, in the suburbs (the paradox is that of construction workers who do not have built the house for himself but for others), often with bulldozers cleared between 2002 and 2006. Other Facilities for Romanians (container in the suburbs or in neighboring countries) have been created from winter 2005-6 on the grounds "humane" and have also accepted "illegal." These structures have been drained and slowly - it is worth - the City has found for these families to rent apartments, taking on a significant proportion of the costs for some years. But it is not affordable housing, but private apartments, rented for exorbitant prices in the housing market in Bologna. So much so that many families have said that once the assistance of the City will otherwise, leave these apartments because they can not, with salaries of workers on site or factory, to pay the rent.

Since January 2007, as I said, for many Romanians working conditions and life have changed so decisive a Romanian - unlike his co-workers or North African Albanian who remained non-and for which the mechanisms described continue to operate - not a greater risk than the expulsion in the case of controls. In the case being dismissed without just cause or not being paid all or part of wages, can more easily expose their employer lavoro. Certo, molti preferiscono continuare lavorare in nero, perché il salario “in mano” è più alto, perché non vogliono pagare i contributi; ma non sono più costretti a lavorare in nero per il fatto di non avere il permesso di soggiorno. E, in generale, la loro “forza contrattuale” (se non altro nel far rispettare l’orario di lavoro e il pagamento del salario) sembra aumentata.

L’ingresso della Romania nell’Unione Europea, insomma, ha avuto effetti positivi: una maggiore libertà di circolazione e l’emersione di molte situazioni – rispetto a casa, lavoro, permesso di soggiorno – che in precedenza erano forzatamente di irregolarità. 

In modo singolare, dall’autunno del 2007 è aumentato notevolmente il “fuoco”, da parte del mondo politico (sia durante gli ultimi mesi del governo Prodi, sia nei primi di quello Berlusconi) e mediatico, contro i cittadini rumeni. Alcuni fatti di cronaca – a partire dall’omicidio di Giovanna Reggiani a Roma da parte di Romulus Mailat – sono stati fortemente amplificati dai media e hanno portato ad alcuni atti legislativi che provano a limitare nuovamente la libertà di circolazione dei cittadini rumeni.

A seguito dell’omicidio di Roma, il governo Prodi varò un decreto law introducing rules on forcible expulsion of EU citizens. The decree was aimed above all, as demonstrated by the use of such marks by some prefects against Roma in Romania. The decree did come back today, albeit for a few weeks and only for grave reasons of public policy, the risk of expulsion. It was not converted into law by the Parliament, because it was now diminished public attention to the matter. And the Prodi government could not - or unwilling - to give body to an immigration law that erases the Bossi-Fini.

The new government has instead just kept the promises of an election campaign marked dal tema della sicurezza e da una profonda xenofobia. Nell’ambito del “pacchetto sicurezza”, ad esempio, un decreto legislativo sancisce che un cittadino comunitario per soggiornare sul territorio italiano deve dimostrare di disporre di “risorse economiche sufficienti, derivanti da attività dimostrabili come lecite”. Altri esempi sono il “censimento dei campi rom” e l’identificazione dei minori, prendendo loro le impronte digitali, provvedimenti che hanno suscitato a livello internazionale proteste nei confronti del governo italiano. Provvedimenti presi a seguito di “emergenze” create più o meno ad arte da media e politici a seguito di fatti di cronaca. Bisogna forse far notare che crimini di equal severity were committed by Italians against Romanian citizens and the media attention and policy in these episodes was incomparably less? In June 2008, a Romanian was killed in Verona from their employers who wanted to collect insurance: the newspapers have settled in a few lines and immediately forgotten.

one year now it seems that the Romanians, particularly the Romanians of "ethnicity" rom (whatever it wants to say, but not the theme of this article), have become the main danger for "security" of Italian citizens (just as happened to the Albanians in the first 90). The measures taken by the government and the general xenophobic climate has grave consequences on the lives of hundreds of thousands of Romanians - as well as on other foreigners - who live in Italy.

We are witnessing a paradox: on the one hand, the entry of Romania into the European Union allows Romanian citizens who live and work in Italy, improved working conditions and life, gives them more rights (what one might call "better integration"), on the other hand, legislative and media campaigns are doing everything to make a precarious new life in Italy of these citizens, who become the target delle preoccupazioni di politica e “opinione pubblica”. Che nesso c’è tra questi due movimenti contraddittori? 

Forse spaventa che un milione di immigrati – quella rumena è la nazionalità straniera che conta il maggior numero di presenze in Italia – siano di colpo diventati comunitari. Forse spaventa l’aumento del costo del loro lavoro, ora che i datori non possono più contare sulla loro “clandestinità” e sul ricatto del rimpatrio. Sicuramente è facile “incolpare” di qualsiasi delitto gli stranieri. Probabilmente, al di là di qualsiasi retorica dell’“integrazione”, il desiderio di molti italiani is that the Romanians - until yesterday and irregular non-EU - remain at the "proper place" and come to Italy to do the only thing for which an alien is admitted, toil, without claiming rights.