Mimmo Perrotta,
"We hope that in 2007, when Romania enters, if it enters , European Union, is a bit 'easier to take this piece of paper, this permit. Otherwise, when the police find me, just send me home. What is the problem. It's a risk, I assume. Nothing to do. I'm up here when I do not find them. When they find me they send me home. " So describing their hopes for il futuro nel maggio 2005 un cittadino rumeno di 37 anni che, privo di permesso di soggiorno, lavorava (e lavora) a Bologna come muratore. “Rischio” era una parola molto utilizzata dai cittadini rumeni che hanno vissuto e lavorato in Italia da “clandestini”. Il “rischio” riguardava la possibilità stessa di restare in Italia, come raccontava, qualche mese dopo, un altro rumeno, di origine rom, sui 25 anni, anch’egli muratore, che aveva subito un rimpatrio forzato ed era tornato nel bolognese dopo pochi mesi: “lavoravo per un napoletano, a Vergato. Lunedì, sono andato al cantiere, mi sono cambiato, dopo dieci minuti sono arrivati i carabinieri. Mi hanno preso dal cantiere, m’ha carried away with the clothes of the yard. Then I called my brother, I told him everything, I brought the bag with the clothes ... to Cpt. Can I ask you something? Tell me how I can think of to stay forever here in Italy? But, as it were, to say, I want to make life in Italy, right? Now I work, I am a rent, and the police to catch me on the street and sent me home what happens? That there is the problem, which does not give you hope. "
That was until December 2006. What has changed for the Romanian citizens in Italy after the entry of Romania into the EU? And what significance is the press campaigns and measures government in recent months, which have as their main target the Romanians?
Let's step back. In 2002, the "amnesty" passed by the Berlusconi government in the Bossi-Fini regularized nearly 150,000 Romanians (of the roughly 700,000 foreigners "healed"), previously "illegal" on the Italian territory. Many others, however, while working for years in Italy, failed to stabilize with the amnesty and were "illegal." And most importantly, since 2002 many other Romanians arrived in Italy, and these - apart from those who came to study, family reunification and the few successful to enter through the "Decree-flow" - had no legal footing to get the "piece of paper" that provides, at least in part, rights and freedom of movement.
Until 2006, therefore, many Romanians have experienced from "illegal" in Italy. To get an idea of \u200b\u200bthe numbers: 2006 160.000 Romanians were in demand for access to the annual flow-decree issued by the government (in total, the questions were about 580,000, the number of inputs was initially envisaged by the decree of 120,000, then about 70% of applications were accepted, however). According to the decree, they should be in Romania, but the vast majority was already in Italy for years, and thus sought to regularize its position.
In January 2007, all this seems to be over. Romania enters the European Union. The Romanians are EU citizens. No longer is "illegal." No greater risk than the return, even those without a residence permit. Maybe.
The Romanian immigrants tell their migration experience as motivated solely by the job search and the desire to earn money (today's wages in Romania for € 200 or less un operaio e 300-350 per un insegnante): “sono venuto qui per lavorare e per garantire una vita dignitosa alla mia famiglia”. Il lavoro è considerato l’unica motivazione legittima della migrazione. In una città come Bologna, se le donne sono occupate per lo più come assistenti familiari o colf, la maggior parte degli uomini rumeni lavorano o hanno lavorato in edilizia. Un impiego nelle costruzioni è quasi sempre il primo passaggio obbligato per un immigrato rumeno a Bologna. All’interno del settore vi sono poi situazioni differenti: c’è chi arriva con una qualifica (carpentiere, elettricista, ecc.) e chi, per mancanza di professionalità, non può trovare un impiego se non come manovale non specializzato; many work in good standing and who - by choice or necessity - in black, who worked permanently for medium companies or large construction sites and who is hired for a few days, just long enough for a "Ciappina" to as a small renovation of an apartment. There are those who continue to work after years as an employee, who becomes a self-opens and becomes a VAT craftsman or "young master" (this actually happens to work for the same boss, but taking risks in their business ), those who found employment in other sectors, in small factories, in services, co-operatives.
Tra gli occupati in edilizia a Bologna, circa la metà sono stranieri, molti di essi rumeni. Molti di essi sono “irregolari”. Cosa comporta il lavoro irregolare in edilizia? Che differenze vi sono tra un lavoratore in regola e uno in nero, per di più straniero e “clandestino”? Nella quotidianità del lavoro, un irregolare ha solitamente meno “risorse”, meno forza contrattuale. Come in ogni posto di lavoro, nel cantiere edile vi è tra capo e dipendenti una continua e incessante negoziazione sui tempi, sui ritmi, sui carichi di lavoro che i dipendenti devono eseguire, sullo stesso orario giornaliero di lavoro. Questa negoziazione può essere fatta esplicitamente, “entro le cinque dovete build three floors of scaffolding, otherwise you go home, "or implicitly: employees seek to control their pace of work, to slow them down until they are under the gaze of the head, in his presence to accelerate (a pace of work is not high is one of the main conditions of safety on site, which helps to prevent accidents), and so on. In these ongoing negotiations, the most important asset for a foreign worker is allowed to stay: when a developer takes a worker to work "underground", he knows he can more easily impose higher work rates, heavier loads, schedules longer working, because he will more difficult to find another job (unless you are a skilled worker) and difficult to denounce their situation.
Back here the word "risk": the risk of repatriation or warrant, if stopped by police in the street or any control in the workplace, the risk of dismissal, non-payment of wages . Many Romanian construction "illegal" as defined in the head "good" or "quiet" because only paid regular wages agreed upon, which showed that this regularity was an exception. For an illegal immigrant is difficult to report abuse suffered at work. He is extremely open to blackmail, as other speakers Romanian explain: "When you work in black, you can not even make the complaint. I fooled me once a Sardinian, I went to the complaint and the complaint can not be done if you are not in good standing. I made a complaint by the union lawyer. Eh, what is left. She was a piece of paper. " "I worked with a decorator for three years, but at some point I have paid more. It gave me bad checks. I was afraid to call the police, because ... because they are illegal, all you can do to an illegal immigrant. "
Construction is one of the leading sectors of the economy Bolognese e continuerà ad esserlo nei prossimi anni, tra grandi opere (la variante di valico dell’autostrada Bologna-Firenze, la TAV), trasformazioni urbanistiche (il “people mover” sopraelevato tra stazione e aeroporto, il metro), ristrutturazioni di palazzi nel centro storico, riconversioni del patrimonio industriale dismesso, il comparto fieristico. Il settore, a Bologna come altrove, funziona con lunghe catene di appalti e subappalti (poco controllabili a causa dell’esiguo numero degli ispettori del lavoro), delle quali i lavoratori stranieri sono spesso l’ultimo e più debole anello. Come in altri settori economici in altre regioni italiane (ad esempio nelle raccolte di frutta e verdura nelle campagne del sud), Bologna construction, the use of illegal immigrant workers results in a significant lowering of labor costs, benefiting both employers, both public and private clients. Romanian illegal immigrants "have worked to court in Bologna, Police Headquarters, in common, police barracks, supermarkets, offices, as well as in construction and renovation of private buildings. If immigrants are "illegal" were really all returnees, construction sites would stop in Bologna.
national laws that define the "illegal immigration" whether or not a foreigner, in addition, affect the life of an immigrant, the local administrative practices. In Bologna in recent years the 'host' housing for immigrants has been handled - if it was handled - especially through centers rigidly "mono-ethnic." Forty Romanian Roma families "regular" was "welcomed" by the City in the structure of Villa Salus in February 2005 (but only after a long occupation of a former hotel for railroad). For several hundred "irregular" the only home they can instead shacks on the river Rhine, in the suburbs (the paradox is that of construction workers who do not have built the house for himself but for others), often with bulldozers cleared between 2002 and 2006. Other Facilities for Romanians (container in the suburbs or in neighboring countries) have been created from winter 2005-6 on the grounds "humane" and have also accepted "illegal." These structures have been drained and slowly - it is worth - the City has found for these families to rent apartments, taking on a significant proportion of the costs for some years. But it is not affordable housing, but private apartments, rented for exorbitant prices in the housing market in Bologna. So much so that many families have said that once the assistance of the City will otherwise, leave these apartments because they can not, with salaries of workers on site or factory, to pay the rent.
Since January 2007, as I said, for many Romanians working conditions and life have changed so decisive a Romanian - unlike his co-workers or North African Albanian who remained non-and for which the mechanisms described continue to operate - not a greater risk than the expulsion in the case of controls. In the case being dismissed without just cause or not being paid all or part of wages, can more easily expose their employer lavoro. Certo, molti preferiscono continuare lavorare in nero, perché il salario “in mano” è più alto, perché non vogliono pagare i contributi; ma non sono più costretti a lavorare in nero per il fatto di non avere il permesso di soggiorno. E, in generale, la loro “forza contrattuale” (se non altro nel far rispettare l’orario di lavoro e il pagamento del salario) sembra aumentata.
L’ingresso della Romania nell’Unione Europea, insomma, ha avuto effetti positivi: una maggiore libertà di circolazione e l’emersione di molte situazioni – rispetto a casa, lavoro, permesso di soggiorno – che in precedenza erano forzatamente di irregolarità.
In modo singolare, dall’autunno del 2007 è aumentato notevolmente il “fuoco”, da parte del mondo politico (sia durante gli ultimi mesi del governo Prodi, sia nei primi di quello Berlusconi) e mediatico, contro i cittadini rumeni. Alcuni fatti di cronaca – a partire dall’omicidio di Giovanna Reggiani a Roma da parte di Romulus Mailat – sono stati fortemente amplificati dai media e hanno portato ad alcuni atti legislativi che provano a limitare nuovamente la libertà di circolazione dei cittadini rumeni.
A seguito dell’omicidio di Roma, il governo Prodi varò un decreto law introducing rules on forcible expulsion of EU citizens. The decree was aimed above all, as demonstrated by the use of such marks by some prefects against Roma in Romania. The decree did come back today, albeit for a few weeks and only for grave reasons of public policy, the risk of expulsion. It was not converted into law by the Parliament, because it was now diminished public attention to the matter. And the Prodi government could not - or unwilling - to give body to an immigration law that erases the Bossi-Fini.
The new government has instead just kept the promises of an election campaign marked dal tema della sicurezza e da una profonda xenofobia. Nell’ambito del “pacchetto sicurezza”, ad esempio, un decreto legislativo sancisce che un cittadino comunitario per soggiornare sul territorio italiano deve dimostrare di disporre di “risorse economiche sufficienti, derivanti da attività dimostrabili come lecite”. Altri esempi sono il “censimento dei campi rom” e l’identificazione dei minori, prendendo loro le impronte digitali, provvedimenti che hanno suscitato a livello internazionale proteste nei confronti del governo italiano. Provvedimenti presi a seguito di “emergenze” create più o meno ad arte da media e politici a seguito di fatti di cronaca. Bisogna forse far notare che crimini di equal severity were committed by Italians against Romanian citizens and the media attention and policy in these episodes was incomparably less? In June 2008, a Romanian was killed in Verona from their employers who wanted to collect insurance: the newspapers have settled in a few lines and immediately forgotten.
one year now it seems that the Romanians, particularly the Romanians of "ethnicity" rom (whatever it wants to say, but not the theme of this article), have become the main danger for "security" of Italian citizens (just as happened to the Albanians in the first 90). The measures taken by the government and the general xenophobic climate has grave consequences on the lives of hundreds of thousands of Romanians - as well as on other foreigners - who live in Italy.
We are witnessing a paradox: on the one hand, the entry of Romania into the European Union allows Romanian citizens who live and work in Italy, improved working conditions and life, gives them more rights (what one might call "better integration"), on the other hand, legislative and media campaigns are doing everything to make a precarious new life in Italy of these citizens, who become the target delle preoccupazioni di politica e “opinione pubblica”. Che nesso c’è tra questi due movimenti contraddittori?
Forse spaventa che un milione di immigrati – quella rumena è la nazionalità straniera che conta il maggior numero di presenze in Italia – siano di colpo diventati comunitari. Forse spaventa l’aumento del costo del loro lavoro, ora che i datori non possono più contare sulla loro “clandestinità” e sul ricatto del rimpatrio. Sicuramente è facile “incolpare” di qualsiasi delitto gli stranieri. Probabilmente, al di là di qualsiasi retorica dell’“integrazione”, il desiderio di molti italiani is that the Romanians - until yesterday and irregular non-EU - remain at the "proper place" and come to Italy to do the only thing for which an alien is admitted, toil, without claiming rights.
0 comments:
Post a Comment